1 Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Sociais, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, and the African Studies Centres of the Universidade de Lisboa, Universidade Tecnica de Lisboa, and the Universidade do Porto. I am particularly indebted to Alberto da Costa e Silva, President of the Academia de Letras do Brasil, Professors Manolo G. Florentino (UFRJ), Isabel C. Henriques (UL), and Joana P. Leite (UTL), and José Capela (UP) for their constructive comments.
2 David Eltis, “The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment,” The William and Mary Quarterly. 3rd Series, Vol. 58, 2001, pp. 17-46.
3 See, for example: Verger, Pierre. “Rôle joué par le tabac de Bahia dans la traite des esclaves au Golfe de Bénin,”Cahiers d'études africaines. Vol. 4, 1964, pp. 349-369; idem, Trade Relations Between the Bight of Benin and Bahia from the 17th to the 19th Century. Ibadan, 1976; José C. Curto, “Vinho verso Cachaça: A Luta Luso‑Brasileira pelo Comércio do Álcoól e de Escravos em Luanda, 1648‑1703,” in S. Pantoja and J.F.S. Saraiva, eds. Angola e Brasil nas Rotas do Atlântico Sul. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand do Brasil, 1999, pp. 69‑97; and idem, Álcool e Escravos: O comércio luso-brasileiro do álcool em Mpinda, Luanda e Benguela durante o tráfico atlântico de escravos (c. 1480‑1830) e o seu impacto nas sociedades da África Central Ocidental. Lisbon: Editora Vulgata, 2002.
4 Aside from the works by Verger cited in the preceding footnote, see: Lorenzo D. Turner, “Some Contacts of Brazilian Ex-Slaves with Nigeria, West Africa,” Journal of Negro History. Vol. 27, 1942, pp. 55-67; Pierre Verger, “Influence du Brésil au Golfe du Bénin,” Les Afro-Americains, Memoires de l’IFAN. No. 27, 1953, p 11-101; idem, ARetour des ‘Bresiliens’ au Golfe du Benin au XIXeme Siecle,” Études Dahoméennes. No. 8, 1966, pp.5-28; J.F. de Almeida Prado, “Les Relations de Bahia (Brésil) avec le Dahomey,” Revue d’Histoire des Colonies. Vol. 16, 1954, pp. 167-226; Norberto Francisco de Souza, “Contribution a l'histoire de la famille de Souza,” Études Dahoméennes. Vol. 15, 1955, pp. 17‑21; Anthony B. Laotan, “Brazilian Influence on Lagos,” Nigerian Magazine. No. 69, 1964, pp. 156-165; David A. Ross, “The Career of Domingo Martinez in the Bight of Benin 1833-64,” Journal of African History. Vol. 6, 1965, pp. 79-90; idem, “The First Chacha of Whydah: Francisco Felix da Souza,” Odu. New Series, Vol. 2, 1969, pp. 19‑28; D.E.K. Amenumey, “Geraldo da Lima: A Reappraisal,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana. Vol. 9, 1968, pp. 65‑78; Richard D. Ralston, “The Return of Brazilian Freedmen to West Africa in the 18th and 19th Centuries,” Canadian Journal of African Studies. Vol. 3, 1969, pp. 577-592; Júlio Santanna Braga, “Notas Sobre o ‘Quartier Bresil’ no Daomé,” Afro-Ásia. Nos. 6-7, 1968, pp. 56-62; Jerry Michael Turner, “Les Brésiliens: The Impact of Former Brazilian Slaves upon Dahomey,” Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, Boston University, 1974; idem, “Cultura afro-brasileira na África Ocidental,”Estudos Afro-Asiáticos. No. 1, 1978, pp. 19-25; idem, “Africans, Afro-Brazilians and Europeans: 19th Century Politics on the Benin Gulf,” África (Universidade de São Paulo). No. 4, 1981, pp. 3-31; idem “Identidade étnica na África Ocidental: o caso especial dos afro-brasileiros no Benin, na Nigéria, no Togo e em Ghana nos séculos XIX e XX,” Estudos Afro-Asiáticos. No. 28, 1995, pp. 85-99; Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, “Religião, Comércio e Etnicidade: Uma Interpretação Preliminar do Catolicismo Brasileiro em Lagos, no Século XIX,” Religião e Sociedade. No. 1, 1977, pp. 51-60; idem, Negros, Estrangeiros: Os Escravos Libertos e Sua Volta à África. São Paulo: Brasilience, 1985; Marianno Carneiro da Cunha, Da Senzala ao Sobrado: A Arquitectura Brasileira na África Ocidental. São Paulo: Nobel, 1985; S.Y. Boadi‑Siaw, “Brazilian Returnees of West Africa,”Joseph E. Harris, ed. Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora. Wash. D.C.: Howard University Press,1993, 2nd edition, 421‑439; and Lisa A. Lindsay, “`To Return to the Bosom of their Fatherland’: Brazilian Immigrants in Nineteenth-Century Lagos,” Slavery and Abolition. Vol. 15, 1994, pp. 22-50. More recent studies include: Bellarmin C. Codo: “Les Afro‑brésiliens de retour,” in Doudou Diene, ed., La Chaine et le lien: une vision de la traite negrière. Paris, 1998, pp. 95‑105; Milton Guran, Agudás: Os ‘brasileiros’ do Benim. Rio de Janeiro, 1999; Robin Law and Kristin Mann, “West Africa in the Atlantic Community: The Case of the Slave Coast,” The William and Mary Quarterly. Vol. 46, 1999, pp. 306‑34; J. Lorand Matory, “The English Professors of Brazil: On the Diasporic Roots of the Yorùbá Nation,” Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. 41, 1999, pp. 72-13; Robin Law, “The Evolution of the Brazilian Community in Ouidah,”in Slavery and Abolition. Vol. 22, 2001: Special Issue edited by Kristin Mann and Edna G. Bay, Rethinking the African Diaspora: The Making of a Black Atlantic World in the Bight of Benin and Brazil; Edna G. Bay, “Protection, Political Exile, and the Atlantic Slave Trade: History and Collective Memory in Dahomey,” in ibid; Elisée Soumonni, “Some Reflections on the Brazilian Legacy in Dahomey,” in ibid; and Olabiyi Babalola Yai, “The Identity, Contributions, and Ideology of the Aguda (Afro‑Brazilians) of the Gulf of Benin: A Reinterpretation,” in ibid. See also the following forthcoming work: Robin Law, “Francisco Felix de Souza in West Africa, 1800‑1849,” and Silke Strickrodt, “Afro‑Brazilians on the Western Slave Coast of Africa in the Nineteenth Century,” both in José C. Curto and Paul E. Lovejoy, eds. Enslaving Connections: Africa and Brazil During the Era of Slavery. Amherst, NY: Humanity Books, in press; and Elisée Soumonni, “The Afro‑Brazilian Communities of Ouidah and Lagos in the Nineteenth Century,” in José C. Curto and Renée Soulodre‑LaFrance, eds. Africa and the Americas: Interconnections During the Slave Trade. New Brunswick, NJ: Africa World Press, forthcoming.
5 Bits and pieces of this history are dispersed within the following works: Ralph Delgado, A Famosa e Histórica Benguela: Catálogo dos Governadores (1779 a 1940). Lisbon: Edições Cosmos, 1940; Mary C. Karasch, “The Brazilian Slavers and the Illegal Slave Trade, 1836-1851,” Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1967; Manuel dos Anjos da Silva Rebelo, Relações entre Angola e Brasil (1808-1830). Lisbon:Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1970; Joseph C. Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730-1830. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988; Manolo G. Florentino, Em Costas Negras: Uma História do Tráfico Atlântico de Escravos entre a Africa e o Rio de Janeiro (Séculos XVIII e XIX). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2002, 2nd edition; and Roquinaldo Amaral Ferreira, “Dos Sertões ao Atlântico: Trafico Ilegal de Escravos e Comercio Licito em Angola, 1830‑1860,” Unpublished M. A. thesis, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 1996.
6 See “Mappa das pessoas livres e escravos … de que se compõe a Cidade de Benguella em 15 de Junho de 1796,” Arquivo Histórico Nacional de Angola, Luanda (AHNA), Códice 441, 2-E-1-2, fl. 19. A copy of this same document is also found in the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon (AHU), Angola, Cx. 83, Doc. 66. A published version is available in Ralph Delgado, O Reino de Benguela (Do descobrimento a criação do govêrno subalterno) Lisbon: Imprensa Beleza, 1945, p. 381. According to Governor Vasconcelos, the more than 1,000 homes inhabited by blacks around the town’s core were not included in this count. As far as can be determined, no census was carried out in Benguela before the middle of 1796. See José C. Curto, “Sources for the Pre-1900 Population History of Sub-Saharan Africa: The Case of Angola, 1773-1845,” Annales de démographie historique. 1994, pp. 319-338.
7 “Mappa das Pessoas livres, Escravos, e Cazas de sobrado, tereas, cobertas de palha, e sanzalas, de que se compoem a Cidade de Beng.a no anno de 1796,” 28 February, 1797, AHU, Angola, Cx. 85, Doc. 28. A copy of this same document is also found in Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro (AIHGB), DL81,02.28, fl. 81.
8 While Silveira Teixeira covered the north side of the town, Carneiro took care of the south side. See “Relação de Manuel José de Silveira Teixeira … [d]os moradores da [parte sul da] cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” (not dated) AIHGB, DL32,02.02, fls. 7-17v; and “Relação de José Caetano Carneiro … dos moradores da parte do norte da cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” 20 November, 1797, AIHGB, DL32,02.03, fls. 20-32v.
9 José C. Curto and Raymond R. Gervais, “The Population History of Luanda During the Late Atlantic Slave Trade, 1781-1844,” African Economic History 29 (2001) pp. 1-59. For other Portuguese colonial overseas territories, see: Rudy Bauss, “A Demographic Study of Portuguese India and Macau as well as Comments on Mozambique and Timor, 1750-1850,” The Indian Economic and Social History Review. Volume 34 (1997), pp. 199-216; António Carreira, Cabo Verde: Formação e Extinção de Uma Sociedade Escravocrata (1460-1878) (2nd edition, Lisbon, 1983; originally published in 1972); and Dauril Alden, “The Population of Brazil in the Late Eighteenth Century: A Preliminary Study,” Hispanic American Historical Review 43 (1963) pp. 173-205.
10 “Mappa da Cidade de Benguela, e suas mais proximas vizinhanças…” in AHU, Angola: 1798 in Cx. 89, Doc. 88; 1804 in Cx. 113, Doc. 6; 1805 in Cx. 116, Doc. 87; 1806 in Cx. 118, Doc. 21; 1808 in Cx. 120, Doc. 1; 1809 in Cx. 120, Doc. 32; 1813 in Cx. 127, Doc. 59; 1815 in Cx. 131, Doc. 45; 1816 in Cx. 133, Doc. 32; 1817 in Cx. 136, Doc. 19; and 1819 in Cx. 138, Doc. 1. Another one of these summary censuses, relating to 1800, is found under the same generic title in AHNA, Códice 442, fls. 161v-162.
11 A. J. R. Russell-Wood, A World on the Move: The Portuguese in Africa, Asia, and America, 1415-1808. Manchester: Carcanet Press, 1992, pp. 58-147.
12 A case in point is João Nepocumeno Souza, a pardo born in Rio de Janeiro who, having voluntarily moved to Benguela, is listed as Escrivão da Provedoria dos defuntos e ausentes in the report of 03 February, 1800, penned by the Governor of Angola, Miguel António de Mello, and published as “Angola no Fim do Século XVIII: Documentos,” Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa. Vol. 6, 1886, p. 287. He was already there at the end of 1796, when he made a donation to open up a new road to the Cuvaco River: see documento No. 2 [15 December, 1796] in Ralph Delgado,Ao Sul do Cuanza: Ocupação e Aproveitamento do Antigo Reino de Benguela, 1483-1942. Lisbon: n, p., 1944, Vol. I, pp. 531-532. João Nepocumeno also appears in a late 1797 source, still holding the position escrivão dos ausentes, as a 34 year old widowed mulatto, and owning red-clay shingled houses in the southern part of Benguela. Aside from a 13 year old son, the household which he then headed included 1 male and 3 female orphaned minors, as well as 6 male and 7 female slaves, all of whom were his property. See “Relação de Manuel José de Silveira Teixeira sobre os moradores da cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” AIHGB DL32,02.02, fls. 12-12v. João Nepocumeno was still a resident of Benguela at the beginning of 1826 when, as Vigario Encomendado, he was responsible for producing the “Mappa da Povoação, Nascimentos, Casamentos e Mortes na Cidade de São Felippe de Benguela no anno de 1825,” AHU, Angola, Cx. 159, Doc. 29. Shortly thereafter, he became full Vigario of the town’s single parish. It was precisely in this capacity that, between April of 1832 and February of the following year, João Nepocumeno headed the Triumvurate that then ruled Benguela. See Delgado, Famosa e Histórica Benguela, p. 107.
13 António Albuquerque de Carvalho [Governor of Angola] to the Crown, 26-09-1722, AHU, Angola, Cx. 21, Doc. 136.
14 See José C. Curto, “Luso-Brazilian Alcohol and the Legal Slave Trade at Benguela and its Hinterland, c. 1617‑1830,” in H. Bonin and M. Cahen, eds. Le grand commerce en Afrique noire, du 18e siècle à nos jours. Paris: Éditions de la Société française d'histoire d'outre‑mer, 2001, pp. 351-369.
15 Joseph C. Miller, “The Paradoxes of Impoverishment in the Atlantic Zone,” in David Birmingham and Phyllis Martin, eds. History of Central Africa. London, 1983, Vol. I, p. 135; and idem, Way of Death, pp. 260-262, 468-469, and 565. This was not, however, the first contingent of Brazilians to have settled in Benguela. The recapture of this port town late in August 1848 from the Dutch, who had held it since 1641, was primarily carried out by military personnel from Brazil, not a few of whom remained in Benguela: Ralph Delgado, Reino de Benguela, pp. 173-188; Charles R. Boxer, Salvador de Sá and the Struggle for Brazil and Angola, 1602-1686. London: University of London Press, 1952, pp. 195-271; and Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, O Trato dos Viventes: Formação do Brasil no Atlântico Sul. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2000, pp. 231-238, 266-276, and 369-370.
16 Delgado, Famosa e Histórica Benguela, p. 80.
17 José C. Curto, “The Legal Portuguese Slave Trade from Benguela, Angola, 1730-1828: A Quantitative Re-appraisal,” África (Universidade de São Paulo). No. 16-17 (1993-1994), pp. 101-116. Since this publication, a few more annual export figures have been located: 5,862 slaves exported in 1799, “Mappa dos Generos que se exportarão… no Anno de 1799…de Benguela,” AHNA, Códice 441, fls. 122v-123; as well as 3,046 captives shipped in 1823 and a further 2,933 in 1824, “Demostração da qualidade, e quantidade dos generos exportados desta Cidade de Benguela, com declaração dos portos para onde forão nos annos de 1823, 1824, e 1825,” AIHGB, DL82,01.18, fl. 40.
18 Joseph C. Miller, “The Number, Origins, and Destinations of Slaves, in the Eighteenth Century Angolan Slave Trade,” in Joseph. E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds. The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992, p. 100.
19 See Herbert S. Klein, “The Trade in African Slaves to Rio de Janeiro, 1795-1811: Estimates of Mortality and Patterns of Voyages,” Journal of African History. Vol. 10, 1969, pp. 538 and 540. Elsewhere, this same historian shows the Benguela proportion of slaves landed in Rio de Janeiro to have decline to 12 percent during the second half of the 1820s: “O Tráfico de Escravos Africanos para o porto do Rio de Janeiro, 1825-1830,” Anais de História. No. 5, 1973, p. 89. Nevertheless, as we will see below, the commerce in and around Cattle had by then become under the exclusive control of carioca trading interests.
20 Mary C. Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987. Amongst other, more recent studies, see also: Mariza de Carvalho Soares, Devotos da Cor: Identidade Étnica, Religiosidade e escravidão no Rio de Janeiro, século XVIII. Rio de Janeiro: Civilizacão Brasileira, 2000; and Carlos Eugênio Líbano Soares, A Capoeira Escrava e Outras Tradições Rebeldes no Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2002, 2nd edition.
21 Elias Alexandre da Silva Correia, História de Angola. Lisbon: Editorial Ática, 1937 (introduction and notes by Dr. Manuel Murias), Vol. I, p. 39 and Vol. II, p. 158.
22 These were: António Jozé da Costa, António de Souza Vale, António Jozé de Barros, António Jozé Pinto Sequeira, António Felype Calderone, Fructuozo Jozé da Cruz, João Pedro Barrocas, Jozé Maria Arcenio de Lacerda, Jozé António da Costa, Ignacio Jozé de Souza, Jozé da Costa, Joaquim Mendes Bicho, Jozé Ferreira Gomes da Silva, Lourenço Pereira Tavares, Lourenço de Carvalho Gameiros, Manuel Jozé da Cruz, Nuno Joaquim Pereira e Silva, and Sebastião Gil Vaz Lobo. See “Negociantes de Benguela,” 22 June, AHU, Angola, Cx. 76, Doc. 45. Five years later, the “Mappa das pessoas livres e escravos … de que se compõe a Cidade de Benguella em 15 de Julho de 1796,” carried out under the auspices of the recently arrived GovernorAlexandre José Botelho de Vasconcelos, AHNA, Códice 441, 2-E-1-2, fl. 19, lists a total of 19 unnamed negociantes or traders. The “Mappa das Pessoas livres, Escravos, e Cazas de sobrado, tereas, cobertas de palha, e sanzalas, de que se compoem a Cidade de Beng.a no anno de 1796,” dated 28 Fevreiro de 1797, AIHGB, DL81,02.28, fl. 81, lists a far higher total of 33 unnamed negociantes. And the summary census relating to the end of 1797, gives a total of 44 unnamed traders, 31 of whom classifed as white, 7 as mulatto, and 6 as black: see “Mappa das Pessoas livres, Escravos, Empregos e os Oficios … de que se compoem a Cidade de Beng.a no anno de 1797,” dated 01 January, 1798, AHU, Angola, Cx. 91, Doc. 41.
23 “Relação de Manuel José de Silveira Teixeira … [d]os moradores da [parte sul da] cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” fl. 7. Barros was already a resident of Benguela in1789, when he made a significant contribution toward the construction of the town’s hospital: see document No. 5 [28 Septembre, 1789] in Delgado,Ao Sul do Cuanza, Vol. I, p. 534. This earlier source lists him as a Sargent-Major. He was also a significant landowner along the Katumbela River, immediately north of Benguela, with one libata and 5 arimos which produced a great deal of milho and feijão: see “Relação de diligência do alferes Alexandre José Coelho de Sousa para [Alexandre José Botelho de Vasconcelos], governador de [Benguela], acerca da descrição do Sítio de Catumbela e as relações das casas dos moradores, libatas e cubatas,” 06 January, 1798, AIHGB, DL32,02.07, fls. 50v, 57, 57v, 61v and 67v.
24 The equivalent of the modern passport, licenças were required of all individuals travelling within the Portuguese South Atlantic Empire from 1720 onward. See Curto and Gervais, “Population History of Luanda,” p. 14.
25 “Relação de José Caetano Carneiro …dos moradores da parte do norte da cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” fl. 28v. Vale too was already a resident of Benguela in1789, when he made the single most important contribution toward the construction of the town’s hospital: see document No. 5 [28 Septembre, 1789] in Delgado,Ao Sul do Cuanza, Vol. I, p. 534. This earlier source lists Vale as a Lieutenant-General.
26 As is clear from Delgado, O Reino de Benguela; and idem, A Famosa e Histórica Benguela.
27 See Graph I.
28 This was but the largest of a number of groups of Brazilians established in central Angola. Another was based in Novo Redondo, a small port town to the north of Cattle Bay. At the end of October 1797, four out of the ten merchants operating there were born in the land of Vera Cruz: the 39 year old Manoel Izidorio dos Santos; João Luiz da Silva, 31 years old; João Pereira Dormundo, married to Roza Maria da Conceição, a black woman from the interior of Novo Redondo; and the 35 year old, single António Rodrigues dos Santos. Manoel Izidorio was born in Salvador (Bahia) and the remainder in Rio de Janeiro. While António Rodrigues was mulatto, the others were white. And although Manoel Izidorio and João Luiz were both married, neither of had their wives with them in Novo Redondo. The commercial operations of these four Brazilians were supported by 59 slaves (29 male and 30 female) slaves, property of theirs which accounted for more than half of the 108 enslaved residents of Novo Redondo. See “Ofício de Fernando da Silva Correia, tenente regente, a d. Miguel Antônio de Melo, [governador de Angola], comunicando o envio do mapa das pessoas de artilharia da Fortaleza de Novo Redondo, das imagens da igreja de Nossa Senhora da Conceição, pagamento dos sacerdotes, sobas, armamentos, dos moradores, batismos, casamentos e óbitos, prédios rústicos, gado e escravos existentes no Presídio Novo Redondo,” October 25, 1797, AIHGB, DL31,09, fls 14-14v and 22-22v. Between 1797-1799 and 1804-1806, the Brazilian-born in this small port town averaged 6 males: 3 white, 2 mulatto, and 1 black. Only one woman born in Brazil, a black, was enumerated in this 6 year period. A somewhat larger group of Brazilians was also established the presídio of Caconda, inland from Benguela. Summary census materials for 17 extant years between 1798 and 1832 record an annual average of 8 Brazilian civilians living in this presídio: they too were almost exclusively men, and almost all were either mulatto or black. My thanks to Mariana P. Candido for sharing this information from her doctoral research. Caconda was the springboard for many sertanejos or bush traders who operated deep in the interior, men like the Bahia born José da Assumpção e Mello, who by the late 1790s has already made 3 commercial trips to the Luvalle: see the c. 1798 “Relação dos sobas potentados, souvetas seus vassalos e sobas agregados pelos nomes das suas terras, que tem na capitania de Benguela,” AIHGB, DL32,02.01, fls. 5v-6. On the extant summary census materials for Novo Redondo and Caconda, see Curto,”Sources for the Pre-1900 Population History of Sub-Saharan Africa.” And Brazilians also resided in other areas of Benguela’s hinterland. This was the case of Manoel da Silva Pinto, who lived in Quilengues to the south of Caconda: a 46 year old black barber married in Bahia, he prefered to work the land, probably with his only slave, a female slave. See “Ofício de Miguel Antônio Serrão, capitão regente [da província de Quilengues a Alexandre José Botelho de Vasconcelos, governador de Benguela] sobre os problemas encontrados no sertão,” 28 February, 1798, AIHGB, DL32,02.06, fl. 41v. According to Cruz e Silva, “The Saga of Kakonda and Kilengues,” the presence of these Brazilians led to widespread enslavement in the interior, particularly during the 1790s, producing many of the captives shipped by their compatriots in Benguela.
29 The significant weight of mulattos and blacks amongst Brazilian residents is given further weight by the data found in the nominal census lists of November 1797. Although neither give information on place of birth, they do offer indications that some of the enumerated were, if not born in the land of Vera Cruz, most probably Brazilianized after having lived there for years. These indications include individuals having married in various Brazilian cities but tellingly, not moving to Benguela with their spouses, having practiced previous occupations in the land of Vera Cruz, or having retained their status as residents of urban landscapes in Brazil. Of the sixteen individuals in the 1797 nominal lists that fall into these criteria, 4 are listed as white, 5 as mulatto, 6 as black, and 1 with no phenotype assigned. See Table I.
30 See, in particular, Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro; and Alden, “The Population of Brazil in the Late Eighteenth Century.”
31 Ibid. The same was true in Angola. For the case of Luanda, which is better studied, see: Curto and Gervais, “Population History of Luanda,” pp. 33-35; and José C. Curto, “`As If From a Free Womb’: Baptismal Manumissions in the Conceição Parish, Luanda, 1778‑1807,” Portuguese Studies Review 10 (2002), pp. 26-57. With respect to Benguela, the extant summary census data work out to an annual average of less than 10 mulatto male and female slave residents.
32 Such occurrences were certainly common enough in Rio de Janeiro which explains, in part, the need of slave owners there to continuously seek new captive labor in Africa, Benguela included. See, amongst others: Florentino, Em Costas Negras; Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro; and Alden, “The Population of Brazil in the Late Eighteenth Century.” As it happens, there was no shortage of forros both within Benguela and throughout its immediate hinterland. See, for example: “Relação de Manuel José de Silveira Teixeira … [d]os moradores da [parte sul da] cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” AIHGB, DL32,02.02, fls. 7-17v; “Relação de José Caetano Carneiro … dos moradores da parte do norte da cidade de São Felipe de Benguela,” AIHGB, DL32,02.03, fls. 20-32v; and “Relação feita por João da Costa Frade, do Presídio de Caconda em Benguela, sobre moradores, escravos, forros, mantimentos e gados existentes,” 31 Decembre, 1797, AIHGB, DL31,05, fls. 1-19. The existence of these individuals in Angola, which has been totally neglected by historians, is a promising topic of analyses for an enterprising graduate student.
33 Unlike Verger, Trade Relations Between the Bight of Benin and Bahia, few scholars have highlighted the movement of Brazilians and Brazilianized individuals into West Africa before the 1830s. As recently pointed out by Law and Mann, “West Africa in the Atlantic Community,” p. 315, this earlier period is also crucial to “understand the construction and character of the Atlantic community” as an historical process over the longue dureé.
34 One of the better known cases of returning slaves is that of Manuel do Salvador who was exported from Luanda to Brazil as a young child, along with a brother and his mother, and then returned to the colonial capital of Angola as a young man, still enslaved, sometime in the late 1760s. See the extensive documention on this unusual, though not uncommon, case in AHU, Angola, Cx. 55, Doc. 43. A preliminary analysis is found in Selma Pantoja, “Aberturas e Limites da Administração Pombalina em África: Os Autos da Devessa sobre o negro Salvador,” Estudos Afro-Asiáticos. Vol. 29 (1996), pp. 143-160. Another case is that of António Marcelino, a black male from Rio de Janeiro who on June 16, 1782, baptised in the Conceição Parish of Luanda a daughter he had had with Theresa José, a local black slave owned by Dona Beatrix de Queiros Coutinho: Arquivo da Arquidiocese de Luanda (AAL), Conceição, Baptismos, 1770-1786, fl. 278v. Yet another, even more interesting case, is that of Francisco Lourenço, a black slave from Brasil who on August 18, 1802, baptised in the same parish a daughter he had had with Maria Antónia, black slave of the widowed Dona Joanna Moreira Rangel from Pungo Andongo: while the baptism was being registered by the officiating priest, he refused to name his owner, not to mention parish in Brazil: AAL, Conceição, Baptismos, 1801-1809, fl. 54. Francisco was most likely a runaway slave.
35 On the returning “Benguelas,” see the discussion below.
36 See Graphs IV through VI.
37 Of the white female residents, who averaged 5 during each of these years, one was a widow in 1806 and the remainder married. See the 1804-1808 summary censuses in fn. 10.
38 See Table I.
39 Curto, Álcool e Escravos, pp. 299-301.
40 José C. Curto, Enslaving Spirits: The Portuguese‑Brazilian Alcohol Trade at Luanda and its Hinterland, c. 1550‑1830. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, “Atlantic World: Europe, Africa and Americas 1500-1900 series,” forthcoming.
41 See Table I.
43 Carlos Eugênio Líbano Soares and Flávio dos Santos Gomes, “`Dizem as Quitandeiras...’Ocupações urbanas e identidades étnicas numa cidade escravista: Rio de Janeiro, século XIX,” in O Arquivo Nacional e seus pesquisadores, Vol. 15, número 2, 2002, pp. 3-16; Luiz Carlos Soares, “Os escravos de ganho no Rio de Janeiro do século XIX,” Revista Brasileira de História. Vol 8, 1988, pp. 107-142; idem, Urban slavery in nineteenth century Rio de Janeiro. London, University College, 1988; and Marilene R. Nogueira, O negro na rua: uma nova perspectiva da escravidão, Rio de Janeiro: Hucitec, 1988. See, as well, the extensive work of Mary C. Karsch, including: “From Porterage to Proprietorship: African occupations in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850" in Stanley Engerman and Eugene Genovese, eds. Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975, pp. 369-393; “Suppliers, Sellers, Servants, and Slaves,” in Louisa S. Hoberman and Susan M. Socolow, eds. Cities and Society in Colonial America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986, pp. 251-283; and , especially, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro.
44 The phenomenon of Donas is relatively well studied, particularly in the setting of Luanda. See: Julio de Castro Lopo, “Uma Rica Dona de Luanda,” Portucale. Vol. 3, 1948, pp. 129-138; Mário A. Fernandes de Oliveira, Alguns Aspectos da Administração de Angola em Época de Reformas (1834-1851). Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1981, pp. 36-64; Miller, Way of Death, pp. 289-295; Douglas L. Wheeler, “Angolan Woman of Means: D. Ana Joaquina dos Santos e Silva, Mid-Nineteenth Century Luso-African Merchant-Capitalist of Luanda,” Santa Barbara Portuguese Studies. Vol. 3, 1996, pp. 284-297; Selma Pantoja, “Donas de `Arimos’: Um negócio feminino no abastecimento de gêneros alimentícios em Luanda (séculos XVIII e XIX),” in Selma Pantoja, ed. Entre Áfricas e Brasis. Brasília: Paralelo 15, 2001, pp. 35-49; and Curto, “As If From a Free Womb.” The quintandeiras, however, remain largely understudied. See: Ana de Sousa Santos, “Quitandas e Quitandeiras de Luanda,” Boletim do Instituto de Investigação Científica de Angola. Vol. 4 (1967), pp. 80-112; and Selma Pantoja, “Quitanda e quitandeiras: história e deslocamento na nova lógica do espaço em Luanda,” in Maria E. Madeira Santos, ed. A África e a Instalação do Sistema Colonial (c. 1885 – c. 1935): Actas da III Reunião Internacional de História da África. Lisbon, Centro de Estudos de História e Cartografia Antiga, 2000, pp. 175-186. For a short discussion of the quitanda or public market of Benguela, see Delgado,Ao Sul do Cuanza, Vol. I, pp. 71-75.
45 And this assortment also included Brazilian or Brazilianised degradados or political and criminal exiles, both free and enslaved women and men of all backgrounds. Starting with the second half of the 1600s, Angola became a relatively important destination for these individuals. See Timothy J. Coates, Degradados e Orfãs: colonização dirigida pela coroa no império português, 1550-1755. Lisbon: Commissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1998, pp. 74, 115, 141, 143, 146-47, 148, 161, 171-72, 220, and 270. Although most were destined for Luanda and its hinterland, they were also found in and around Cattle Bay. Charles R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825. London: Hutchinson, 1969, p. 312, stretches the point by stating that “notoriously unhealthy or ill-famed regions, such as Benguela…, hardly received anyone else save these exiles and government officials after the mid-seventeenth century.” One of the these degragados was the wealthy fazendeiro, or large estate owner, Coronel António de Oliveira Lopes, whose active part in the failed 1788-1789 Inconfidência Mineira or Conspirary of Minas Gerais earned him banishment to Bihé. In Benguela by the mid-October of 1792, António de Oliveira died there within one year. Delgado, Famosa e Historica Benguela, p. 21. During the late 1840s, the Brazilian state was still deporting people to Cattle Bay. Césario Mina, a freed man in Rio de Janeiro, was one. Having failed to meet the conditions to remain forro, he was deported to Benguela early in 1848. Life in the land of the “Benguelas” was not particularly attractive for a “Mina” from Guanabara Bay. Within months, Césario was back in Rio de Janeiro, where he was soon caught by the police, who put him on another vessel bound for an unspecified place in Angola. See Soares, Capoeira Escrava e Outras Tradições Rebeldes, pp. 385-86 and 423, who suggests that other “Mina” troublemakers may have been deported to Benguela.
46 See Graph I.
47 See Graph II.
48 See Graph III.
49 See Graph IV.
50 See Graph V.
51 See Graph VI.
52 Miller, “Angola central e sul,” p. 39.
53 “Demostração da qualidade, e quantidade dos generos exportados desta Cidade de Benguela, com declaração dos portos para onde forão nos annos de 1823, 1824, e 1825,” AIHGB, DL82,01.18, fl. 40.
54 Joseph C. Miller, “The Number, Origins, and Destinations of Slaves, in the Eighteenth Century Angolan Slave Trade,” in Joseph. E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds. The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992, p. 100.
55 Three individuals stand out as the leaders of the Brazilian party. One was Justiniano José dos Reis, in whose house the conspirators met regularly during the mid-1820s. Born in the land of Vera Cruz, he was by then an important slave trader in this port town. In December of 1826, having risen to the rank of Lieutenant-Coronel of the Milicia, Justiniano José was appointed to the biumvurate that temporarily governed Benguela until the end of March of the following year. He was again appointed, along with his compatriot João Nepocumeno Souza, to the Interim Government that administred the port town from March of 1832 until February of 1833. Subsequently elevated to Fidalgo da Cota d’Armas and Comendador of the Order of Christ by the Portuguese Crown, he was given the position of Interim Governor of Benguela on November 19, 1835, an appointment which subsequently became permanent. He died, still in this position, on June 01, 1838. Another was António Lopes Anjo, who appears to have been scribe of the presídio of Novo Redondo before relocating south to Benguela around 1808. Once there, he too emerged into a signficant slave trader and is known to have been part owner of at least one vessel, the Brigue bergantim Desengano. Captain of the Ordenanças, Juiz pela Ordenação, Provedor e Presidente of the Municipal Council of Benguela, and Interim Governor of Benguela in late 1823, António Lopes subsequently asked permission from the local colonial authorities to answer the call of the Brazilian state for its citizens to return to the motherland. He was nevertheless to remain in this central Angolan port town until the mid-1830s. And, last but not least, there was Francisco Ferreira Gomes, a Lieutenant. Having settling in Benguela sometime before 1820, he also subsequently became a slave trader of substantial means and partner owner of the Desengano. Lieutenant Francisco Ferreira returned to Rio de Janeiro in 1834, leaving his son José Ferreira Gomes to manage the family business in Benguela. Details on these individuals are found in: Delgado, Famosa e Histórica Benguela, pp. 52 and 72-127; and Silva Rebelo, Relações entre Angola e Brasil, pp. 167, 247, 249-50, and 261. See also Florentino, Em Costas Negras, p. 133. For the less fortuned victims of the backlash against Brazilians, some of whom went so far as to publish their mishaps as pamphlets in Rio de Janeiro, see: Joaquim Lopes dos Santos, Memoria da violência praticada pelo Governador de Benguella. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1824; Vieira da Cunha Joaquim, Exposição para tornar pública a injustiça praticada pelos membros da Junta Provisória da Cidade de Benguela. Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Mercantil, 1824. See also the sources listed in the following footnote.
56 See, for example: “Documentos referentes ao sequestro de bens e propriedades de brasileiros em Angola, antes do reconhecimento da independencia,” 1823, Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, Seçcão de Manuscritos, II-31, 2, 11; “Ordem regia, de D. João VI, mandando levantar o sequestro em Angola e Benguela, de todas as propriedades de Brasileiros,” September 1823, ibid, II-31, 24, 4 No. 4; “Ofícios (extratos) de Nicolau de Abreu Castelo Branco, governador de Angola, dos períodos de 15/05 a 10/06  informando sobre acontecimentos entre o Batalhão Expedicionário e o governador Cristóvão Avelino Dias,” AIHGB, DL76,02.23, fls. 56-65v; “Ofício de Domingos Pereira Dinís, [tenente coronel das duas Companhias de Infantaria e Artilharia de Benguela], a Inácio da Costa Quintela, [ministro e secretário de Estado dos Negócios do Reino no Brasil e da Marinha em Portugal], sobre os desmandos praticados por Nicolau de Abreu Castelo Branco, governador e capitão general de Angola,” 01 February, 1827, AIHGB, DL125,11.02, fls. 5-36v; AHNA, Códices 444 through 449, which contain a great of the outbound official correspondence from the Governors of Benguela during the 1820s; and AHU, Angola, Caixas 140 through 157, which also contain many documents on these events. Some of these primary sources are published in: Delgado, A Famosa e Histórica Benguela, pp. 457-481; and Silva Rebelo, Relações entre Angola e Brasil, pp. 405-421.
57 See Table II. I am indebted to Professor Manolo Florentino for sharing with me this part of his archival research.
58 This priest had almost certainly resided in Benguela, since a Thomé Fernandes Affonço da Penha, Vigario Encomendado, was responsible for the 1827 and the 1828 “Mappa da Povoação, Nascimentos, Casamentos, e mortes da Cidade de São Felippe de Benguela,” both in AHU, Angola: Cx. 167, Doc. 33.
59 Part of a Brazilian proverb, first written in 1711, as found in André João Antonil, Cultura e opulência da Brasil por suas drogas e minas. São Paulo: Companhia Melhoramentos, 1922, pp. 92-93.